The study has shaken some common assumptions about Soweto and has
revealed both positive and negative features. The finding that the population of Soweto in
January was just over a million confirms census data and the more conservative estimates
throughout the years. It is an important finding as it suggests that Soweto is not a
hopelessly overcrowded locality that constantly has to absorb thousands on new immigrants.
The breakdown of where Soweto's population is housed illustrates the increasing importance
of informal housing in Soweto since the early 1980's. The age profile is significant as it
suggests that a fertility transition is occurring in Soweto and that the population growth
rate is declining. The fact that females are predominant indicates that Soweto is a
settled urban community and that the women's life expectancy is higher. There were twice
as many women over sixty than there were men. Only in the hostels did men significantly
outnumber women. However, even in the hostels about a quarter of the residents were
female. More and more of the residents are opting to stay with their partners, and
children are also becoming part of the hostel population.
The survey found that Soweto was a significantly differentiated locality. This
differentiation is manifested in various ways- the quality of the accommodation, income
levels, employment and educational qualifications are the key manifestations. Whilst most
of Soweto's long-term residents were living in adequate accommodation, many residents,
especially the more recent arrivals were living in small, poorly constructed structures
that either did not have access to or had inadequate access to electricity and to a lesser
extent to water. The lack of basic facilities was particularly acute in informal
settlements, but many backyard structures, homes in site and service schemes and hostels
also had inadequate facilities and limited space. There is no doubt that the limited
facilities in many Soweto Homes added considerably to the difficulties of every life for
the residents concerned. Probably the biggest issue facing the post- apartheid government
is job creation. The survey confirmed the desperate situation around employment in
historically - African townships and that younger people are generally in the worst
situation. Sowetans between 20 and 29 has the highest levels of unemployment. What was
noteworthy was that women were more likely to be unemployed than men. The massive levels
of unemployment impacted on household income. It is evident that many Sowetan households
at the time of the survey were struggling financially. Besides the fact that in many
households there was only one breadwinner, in most instances Sowetans were not in highly
skilled or highly paid jobs. A well educated, fairly well paid middle class was evident,
however an encouraging finding was that 8,5% of adults had a post matric qualification.
Clearly, Soweto has not been abandoned by the middle classes. Not surprisingly, a
substantial proportion of this middle class was located in the private sector housing
domain.
Although many of the larger corporations and some key institutions have left the
CBD and relocated in the northern suburbs, the CBDD was still the main source of
employment for Sowetans. An interesting finding is that one in five Sowetans worked in
Soweto itself. This indicates that the area is generating its won economy and is no longer
merely a labour provider for the historically white group areas.
Residents were also differentiated in terms of their urban histories. The survey
found that the residents of council housing were most likely to have had a long urban
history. Almost all had been born in a town or moved to one before 1970. Most had lived in
Soweto for all or most of their lives. Most of the private sector housing occupants were
also long-time Soweto residents-half were born in Soweto and only 3,4% had moved to the
area after 1989. In contrast about a quarter of backyard structure, informal settlement
and hostel residents had moved to Soweto post 1989. Very few backyard or informal
settlement structures existed pre-1980. This part of Soweto's population starts burgeoning
from the early 1980's, after the severe restrictions on housing availability had eased and
influx control had been scrapped. For a substantial section of the Council house
residents, backyard structure tenants were an important source of income. For the working
class, who arrived in Soweto from other areas, the data suggest that backyard structures
were the preferred accommodation and also the easiest to acquire. The findings around
backyard structures have interesting policy implications. They illustrate that providing
people with bigger plots can generate a good deal of extra housing, accommodate growing
families comfortably or alternatively provide poor families with an important source of
income and provide immigrants with affordable accommodation.
Soweto was also significantly differentiated in terms of family types. A large
proportion, just under half, were nuclear family households- parents plus offspring and
about a quarter of all households were headed by single women. The fact that females were
the breadwinners, in about a third of all households, indicates that in many households
women were not only primarily responsible for child-rearing and domestic chores but were
also responsible for ensuring that the household had financial resources.
Marriage was a common phenomenon with very few married women had been married
more than once. In many households husband/wife relations were characterised by abuse.
Clearly, marital violence is a major problem in Soweto and unfortunately it reflects a
national trend. Although most Sowetans have a long history of urban life, tradition around
marriage is still significant. Nine in ten marriages involve the payment of lobola.
The health profile of Soweto suggests that most residents were adequately
nourished. Very few respondents mentioned nutritional deficiency as a problem. The most
common disease/injury reported for the twelve months prior to the survey was respiratory
complaints. This was the pattern for all age groups. It suggests that at the time of the
survey pollution might have been a common problem in Soweto. A substantial proportion of
the residents described their health status as bad in the month preceding the survey.
Poorer residents were more likely to describe their health status as bad, illustrating
that poverty was impacting on the health of residents.
There was a heavy reliance on government provided facilities for medical care.
About three-quarters of residents used a local clinic or a nearby hospital for medical
problems. One in five residents, suggesting that most residents could not borne the costs
of private medicine, used private practitioners. A very low number of residents consulted
traditional healers. It may indicate that the use of traditional medicine is still
stigmatised and residents were reluctant to admit that they consult traditional healers.
HIV/AIDS is possibly the major health concern in Soweto. Although there clearly
has been a degree of success in HIV/AIDS education, the level of ignorance is disturbing.
About the quarter of the population said that they did not know what Aids is This
ignorance was most stark amongst that section of the population
that had minimal formal education. It perhaps indicates that AIDS education is
not impacting on people who are semi or totally illiterate. Of further concern is that
some of those who knew what AIDS is did not know how it is spread.
The data on crime and violence is a microcosm of the challenges facing South
Africa as whole at this point in our history. The fact that most Sowetans felt that crime
had increased in the last five years and that murder and rape were of high concern to most
respondents. It illustrates the high levels of violence that often accompany crime. The
data did not, however, indicate that Soweto is an area that is overwhelmed by crime and
crime levels did not appear excessively high relative to other areas of the country.
The South African Constitution contains what is often described as the most
progressive Bill of Rights in the world. The stated aim of the Constitution is to promote
the achievement of human dignity, equality and freedom and the Bill of rights contain a
number of provisions designed to pursue this goal. These rights will however only
contribute to the achievement of substantive quality if they are given concrete effect.
The findings in the section on human rights and the law demonstrates a wide-spread lack of
knowledge of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution, as well as mechanisms to claim and
enforce these rights. This, combined with patterns of entrenched and continuing
socio-economic inequality, exclusion and marginilisation, present formidable obstacles to
the effective enforcement of constitutional rights by those groups who need them most,
like the residents of informal settlements and hostels. This prevents the construction of
a human rights culture and ultimately possesses a threat to the consolidation of
democracy.
The survey has illustrated the shocking legacy of apartheid, but has also shown
that Sowetans were not just passive victims living in a barren landscape. Residents
responded to apartheid planning by taking control of the urban environment and reshaping
it so as to make Soweto a vibrant and desirable locality. The findings indicate, however,
that the challenges faced by the post-apartheid government to create a well-resourced,
just, equal and thriving city, which could take decades or even generations to achieve.
This concluding abstract is taken directly from the "Change and
Continuity Survey of Soweto in the Late 1990's", 1999.
Editor:
- Dr A Morris
- B Bozzoli
- J Cock
- O Crankshaw
- L Gilbert
- L Lehutso-Phooko
- D Posel
- Z Tshandu
- E van Huyssteen
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